August 2012
By: Rob Levy, Manager, Innovaon and Research
Joshua Sledge, Analyst, Innovaon and Research
A Complex Portrait: An Examination
of Small-Dollar Credit Consumers
www.cfsinnovation.com
© 2012, Center for Financial Services Innovation
 2
 ............................................ 3
 ...................................................6
 .............................................7
 ...............................7
 ..................................................9
SDC Consumers: Who They Are ....................................................9
SDC Consumers: How They Decide .................................................11
SDC Consumers: How They Fare ...................................................16
SDC Consumers: What They Think .................................................20
 .................................................. 22
 .................................................... 24
 ................................................... 26
Table of Contents
 3
Executive Summary
Every year, millions of American consumers
use small-dollar credit (SDC) products for
quick access to cash. Yet, these products—
payday loans, pawn loans, direct deposit
advance loans, auto tle loans, and non-bank
installment loans—oen come with high fees
or interest rates and can lead consumers into
a cycle of repeat usage and mounng debt.
This study seeks to elucidate the reasons
why so many consumers rely upon these
potenally dangerous products and to glean
what can be learned from their experiences
to promote the development of high-quality
credit soluons.
While some of the needs that borrowers seek
to ll with SDC may be beer served by non-
credit opons such as budgeng guidance,
beer jobs, income support, or savings tools,
these soluons will not enrely address the
needs that high-quality credit can ll. Having
the ability to borrow, under reasonable terms,
can help consumers weather a nancial
shock, support the ability to save, build a
posive credit history, and facilitate a wealth-
building purchase. To accomplish this, high-
quality credit must be aordable, marketed
transparently, priced fairly, structured to
support repayment without creang a cycle of
repeat borrowing, and should support credit-
building. Unfortunately, most SDC products
currently available do not meet these criteria,
and relavely lile is known about the full
SDC experience from the consumers point of
view and across mulple channels.
To understand why consumers use these
products, how they choose among them,
how they fare aerwards, and what they
think about their experiences, the Center
for Financial Services Innovaon (CFSI),
with the support of the Ford Foundaon,
surveyed over 1,100 small-dollar credit (SDC)
consumers, plus an addional 500 non-SDC
consumers for comparison. The ndings
suggest several important implicaons for
nancial services providers, policymakers,
consumer advocates, and others working
to improve the quality of small-dollar credit
products and to expand high-quality opons
and alternaves.
SDC Consumers: Who They Are
Conrming previous research, the survey
showed that, compared with non-SDC
consumers, SDC consumers are less educated,
live in larger households, and are more
concentrated in the South. While some
middle-income households do use SDC
products, SDC consumers tend to have lower
incomes, and many report having nancial
dicules and lacking tradional forms of
credit.

• An esmated 15 million consumers used at
least one SDC product in the past year
• 59% of SDC consumers had only a high
school educaon or less, compared to 45% of
non-SDC consumers
• The average household size of an SDC
consumer was 3.2 members compared to 2.8
for a non-SDC consumer
• The average household income for an SDC
consumer was $32,000 compared to $40,000
for non-SDC consumers, although 20% of
SDC consumers had an average household
income between $50,000 and $75,000 (Note:
the study only surveyed consumers with
household income below $75,000)
• Only 27% of SDC consumers had a credit
card, compared to 61% of non-SDC consumers

Executive Summary
4
SDC Consumers: How They
Decide
Consumers use a variety of SDC products for
dierent reasons. Some use SDC products
to ll consistent gaps between expenses
and income; some use them to meet cash
ow problems where bills and paychecks
are misaligned; and others use them in
response to an unexpected event, such
as a job loss or car repair. Notably these
ndings dier signicantly depending on
if the consumer is using a very short-term
credit product (payday, pawn, and deposit
advance) or a short-term credit product (non-
bank installment loans and auto tle loans).
Consumers priorize speed and access in
choosing SDC products, in addion to price,
suggesng a degree of urgency in the decision
to borrow. In many cases, consumers chose
SDC products over non-SDC opons, such as
credit cards, overdra, and loans from friends
and family.

• The top 3 uses for an SDC product included:
ulity bills (36%), general living expenses
(34%), and rent (18%) (Note: respondents
could select mulple answers)
• The top 3 reasons for funds shortage
included: living expenses consistently more
than income, bill or payment due before
paycheck, and unexpected events such as
emergency expenses or income drops (Note:
respondents could select mulple answers)
• Users of very short-term loans were almost
twice as likely as users of short-term loans to
borrow for roune expenses like ulity bills
(42% versus 28%) or general living expenses
(41% versus 20%)
• In addion to borrowing, SDC consumers
also reported cung back on their general
spending (43%) and going without something
they need (40%) in order to address their cash
shortage
• While 66% of SDC consumers had no
savings, more than half of those that did have
savings chose not to use it all and relied on
credit instead
• The top 3 loan aributes that maered
most to SDC consumers were: quick access to
money, ability to qualify, and clear terms
SDC Consumers: How They Fare
Although experiences varied signicantly,
many SDC consumers struggled with repeat
usage, parcularly users of payday and
pawn loans who were oen in debt for a
considerable part of the year due to the high
levels of repeat borrowing. There is a strong
connecon between both loan-to-income
rao and credit need and the likelihood of
rolling over, extending, or renancing a loan,
suggesng a need for sound underwring.

• When asked about their most recent loan,
nearly 40% of payday and pawn borrowers
report not paying back their original loan
when it rst came due; of those who did
rollover or extend their loan, payday users
averaged 5.1 rollovers and pawn users
averaged 2.4 loan extensions
• When looking across the enre year, payday
borrowers took out an average of 11 payday
loans or extensions, remaining in debt for
approximately 150 days out of the year; pawn
loan borrowers took out an average of 7 pawn
loans, remaining in debt for approximately
200 days out of the year
 5
• 24% of installment loan users and 29% of auto
tle loan users did not repay their loan on its
original terms, with those consumers averaging
approximately 3 renances each
• 35% of deposit advance borrowers reported
using the product again the next month
• Regression analysis revealed two factors
highly correlated with repeat loan usage: 1)
The rao of loan size to income, and 2) When
consumers stated that their need for credit
came from a consistent shorall of income
relave to expenses
SDC Consumers: What They Think
While a slight majority of SDC customers
reported a sasfactory experience, a signicant
number reported quite negave experiences.
Within the products considered, payday loans
and auto tle loans received the lowest rangs
and deposit advance received the highest.

• 30% of SDC consumers reported the loan
cosng more than expected
• 27% of SDC consumers reported the loan
taking more me than expected to repay
• Of all SDC products, only deposit advance had
a slight majority of consumers (53%) reporng
they would use the product again without
hesitaon
• 22% of payday and auto tle loan users said
that they would not use the product again
A Complex Portrait
The overall picture that emerges from our
research illustrates the sheer diversity and
Executive Summary
complexity of needs, choices, and experiences
faced by SDC consumers.

• Many consumers would benet from a
mulplicity of safe, aordable, high-quality
credit products and tools designed to meet
dierent needs for dierent people, while for
some consumers, the best long-term soluon
may not involve credit at all
• In order to meet consumer needs safely,
high-quality credit soluons will need to
balance aordability and sound underwring
with speed, convenience, and accessibility
• High-quality credit can play a role in
consumers’ lives alongside (and possibly linked
to) savings
• Underwring based on the ability to repay
and understanding of consumer need will be
crical to prevenng repeat usage
• Strong consumer protecons and innovaon
in high-quality credit will both be necessary to
beer address the struggles and needs of SDC
consumers
The opportunity and need are great to
improve the marketplace for high-quality
small-dollar credit products. Well-designed
products have the potenal to help consumers
turn a moment of crisis into an opportunity
to improve their nancial well-being. Keeping
the needs, perspecves, and experiences of
borrowers at the forefront of the dialogue
on small-dollar credit is crical to moving the
marketplace in a direcon where such high-
quality products go from aspiraon to reality.
 6
Every year, millions of American consumers
use small-dollar credit (SDC) products for
quick access to cash. Yet, these products—
payday loans, pawn loans, direct deposit
advance loans, auto tle loans, and non-bank
installment loans—oen come with high fees
or interest rates and can lead consumers into
a cycle of repeat usage and mounng debt.
This study seeks to elucidate the reasons
why so many consumers rely upon these
potenally dangerous products and to glean
what can be learned from their experiences
to promote the development of high-quality
credit soluons.
Previous CFSI research has shown that SDC
consumers typically borrow for a variety
of reasons: to pay bills, cover basic living
expenses, pay for an unexpected expense, or
make up for a drop in income.
1
These ndings
can be interpreted in dierent ways. They
suggest that some SDC consumers may have
too lile income to cover their expenses and
that they might benet from beer jobs or
stronger income supports. Other consumers
may have sucient income but could
potenally reduce their need to borrow with
greater budgeng guidance to manage their
day-to-day nances. The numbers also make it
clear that increased savings could help many
households weather disrupons in earning
power or fund major purchases without
taking on costly debt.
For several reasons, however, income
supports, budgeng guidance, and addional
savings will not enrely ll the need for high-
quality credit. First, unexpected emergencies
and unplanned expenses will occasionally
surprise even those who are well prepared.
Second, well-structured credit can indirectly
support the ability to save by enabling a
person to fund short-term spending without
dipping into longer-term savings. Finally,
borrowing can help build a posive credit
history, a crical nancial asset in its own
right, since credit scores can aect decisions
to hire employees, rent apartments, set
insurance rates, and, of course, oer more
tradional forms of credit that can facilitate a
wealth-building purchase, such as a home.
To meet the genuine credit needs of
consumers, small-dollar credit must be
high quality. That is, it must be marketed
transparently and priced fairly. It must
be aordable and structured to support
repayment—without creang a cycle of
repeat borrowing or “rolling over” of the
loan—and should support credit-building.
Unfortunately, the vast majority of SDC
products currently available do not meet
these criteria. And, while there is a great deal
of informaon available about the naonal
volume of payday loans and the dangers of
overuse, relavely lile is known about SDC
usage from the consumers’ point of view
and across mulple products. To beer serve
SDC consumers, we need deep consumer
knowledge that can help providers develop
new and beer products and encourage
policymakers to pursue soluons that safely
meet borrowers’ needs.
With these goals in mind, the Center for
Financial Services Innovaon (CFSI), with
funding from the Ford Foundaon, has
conducted a mul-stage consumer research
project to examine the needs, decisions,
and experiences of SDC consumers. This
report represents the rst publicaon of
that research, a quantave examinaon of
a naonally representave sample of over
1,100 consumers of SDC products. We sought
to beer understand who these consumers
are, what precipitates their use of credit, how
they shop and choose among dierent credit
Introduction

Study Methodology
7
products, what happens as they use these
products, and how they fare in the end.
The research reveals a complex variety of SDC
needs, products, and experiences. The data
here is organized around key themes, some
of which corroborate earlier knowledge of
SDC consumers, and others that shed new
light. We hope that this research contributes
to a nuanced conversaon regarding small-
dollar credit and inspires the marketplace to
produce the variety of safe, aordable, high-
quality credit products that consumers need
and deserve.
2
Study Methodology
This report is based on online research
conducted by GfK between January 5 and
January 27, 2012. Survey respondents
were randomly sampled from GfK’s
KnowledgePanel, which is stascally
representave of the U.S. populaon, of
adults ages 18 and over with household
incomes below $75,000 (see the appendix
for more informaon on representaveness
within KnowledgePanel).
3
An “SDC consumer” (N=1,121) was dened in
this survey as a person who has used a payday
loan, pawn loan, direct deposit advance,
auto tle loan, or non-bank installment loan
of $5,000 or less at least once in the past
12 months. These respondents received
the enre quesonnaire, which included
quesons about their overall credit usage
across mulple products, followed by a
series of quesons about one recent loan
experience with a specic product. To serve
as a comparison, we also surveyed “non-SDC
consumers” (N=500), who are dened by
having used at least one of several tradional
credit opons, such as a credit card or
personal loan from a bank (see appendix for
full list), and no SDC products in the past 12
months. These consumers were only asked
quesons about their overall credit usage.
The margin of error for the overall SDC sample
is +/- 4%. All stascal tesng of proporons
and means was conducted at the 95%
condence level, and all subgroup ndings
are representave of that subgroup. Any
comparisons made between subgroups (e.g.,
SDC consumers versus non-SDC consumers)
within the text of this paper are stascally
signicant. Data in the tables and charts is
reported as received and may be direconal
but not stascally signicant when
comparing among subgroups.
Overview of SDC Products
Examined
In selecng the small-dollar credit products
for our survey, we considered nontradional
products used primarily by credit-constrained
consumers. We also chose not to include
credit products with specied uses for
loan funds, such as rent-to-own credit and
subprime auto loans. Instead, we focused on
products that provide funds the consumer
may use at his or her discreon. We examined
the following products:
4
: Loans of generally $300–$500
with full repayment due two weeks aer the
date of the loan. Payday loans come with a
at borrowing fee, typically between $15 and
$20 per $100 borrowed. When the loan is
made, lenders typically obtain a post-dated
check for the amount of owed principal
and fees or receive electronic access to a
customers checking account. If the loan is not
repaid at maturity, the lender has the opon
to cash the check or withdraw from the
account as a means of repayment.

Overview of SDC Products Examined
8
: Loans of typically a few hundred
dollars or less with a maturity of around 30
days and a borrowing fee of approximately
20% of the loan’s value. The loans are
secured by physical items such as jewelry or
electronics that customers provide to lenders
when the loan is made. If the loan is not
repaid, the lender may sell the item.
:
5
Loans or advances
oered as add-ons to checking accounts.
These products allow customers to borrow
against a credit line—typically $500 to
$1,000—with funds transferred to their
transacon account and repaid via an
automac deducon when they receive their
next direct deposit payment. Customers
are typically charged a at borrowing fee of
$7.50–$10 per $100 loaned.
6
: Loans ranging from
several hundred to several thousand dollars
oered by nonbank providers and repaid in
a series of installments. The length of the
loan repayment uctuates depending on the
amount borrowed and borrower preference
but is typically 6 to 18 months. Borrowers are
charged periodic interest over the life of the
loan, with annual interest rates ranging from
20% or 30% for larger, longer loans to over
200% for smaller, shorter loans.
7
: Loans oered by nonbank
providers and secured by the tle to a used
car. Borrowers keep the car during the loan
term, but lenders may take possession of
it if the borrower defaults. Loan sizes are
typically near $1,000 but can range from a few
hundred dollars to over $2,500, depending
on the value of the borrowers car and state
regulaons. Borrowing fees are typically in
the range of 10% to 25% of the loan value
per month. Tradionally, loans have been
structured as one-month loans with a single
repayment, but many lenders oer longer-
term loans through installment repayment
plans, interest-only repayment plans, or open-
end lines of credit secured by auto tles.
8
 9
SDC Consumers: Who They Are
Based on our results, over 13 million
consumers, with household incomes below
$75,000, used an SDC product at least
once in the previous 12 months prior to
taking our survey.
9
Although we did not
survey consumers with above $75,000 in
household income, we esmate that there
are approximately 15 million SDC consumers
across the enre income spectrum.
10
The
informaon respondents provided about
their backgrounds and nancial situaons
help to paint a picture of SDC borrowers and
their nancial challenges. Select demographic
data from the survey appears in Table 1:
Demographics of SDC Consumers.
In terms of demographics, SDC consumers
stand out in several signicant ways. First,
they are less educated as a whole than non-
SDC consumers and the overall populaon.
Parcularly given current economic
condions, less educaon can mean lower-
paying jobs, less stable work, and a greater
likelihood of experiencing an unexpected
drop in income. In 2011, the unemployment
rate among those with less than a high school
diploma was 14.1%, drascally higher than
the rates of 9.4% for those with a high school
diploma and 4.9% for those with a bachelors
degree or even more educaon.
11
SDC consumers are highly concentrated
in the South, where there is also a greater
concentraon of unbanked and underbanked
consumers.
12
African-Americans are
also highly overrepresented among SDC
consumers. Users of SDC products live in
slightly larger households. More specically,
SDC households tend to have more children
than non-SDC households (averaging 1.01
children/household, compared with an
average of 0.71 children), which could place
addional pressure on their nances.
Study Results

1) Stascs from March 2011 Current Populaon Survey (conducted by the Bureau of Census for the Bureau of Labor Stascs)
SDCConsumers NonSDCConsumers
Overall
Population
(1)
Education
%withBachelor'sDegreeorHigher 10% 23% 18%
Region
Northeast 8% 18% 17%
Midwest 21% 24% 22%
South 50% 35% 39%
West 21% 24% 22%
HouseholdSize(Mean) 3.2 2.8 NA
Race/Ethnicity
White,NonHispanic 46% 64% 63%
AfricanAmerican,NonHispanic 29% 11% 14%
Other,NonHispanic 6% 7% 6%
Hispanic 20% 18% 17%

Study Results
10

Informaon on respondents’ nancial
situaons provided greater insight into why
consumers might use SDC products. First,
these consumers tended to have below-
average incomes, with annual household
income averaging approximately $32,000,
compared with nearly $40,000 for non-SDC
consumers.
13
Fewer dollars coming in can
make it harder to save and means a smaller
cushion for dealing with occasional spikes in
monthly expenses, leading some households
to borrow to ll the gap.
At the same me, consumers with larger
incomes are hardly immune from the
circumstances that can lead to SDC use, as
demonstrated in Chart 1: Distribuon of
Income for SDC and Non-SDC Consumers.
Approximately 20% of SDC consumers in
our survey populaon had annual incomes
between $50,000 and $75,000, meaning
they make more than the median annual
income of all American households.
14
While
we surveyed only consumers with annual
incomes below $75,000, other research
has shown that households with higher
incomes also use SDC products, albeit at
smaller rates.
15
Thus, the need for high-
quality opons extends beyond low-income
consumers to reach a broader range of
American families.
Many SDC consumers reported nancial
dicules. Nearly 45% of respondents
perceived their personal nancial situaon
to be “poor,” a signicantly higher poron
than the 27% of non-SDC consumers who
rated their situaon that way. Perhaps as
a consequence of or a contributor to their
challenging nancial situaon, SDC consumers
also tended to borrow more frequently
than their counterparts. On average, they
reported taking out 6.5 loans of under $5,000
in the past year, almost twice as many as the
average 3.8 among non-SDC consumers.
16
SDC consumers also tended to use a wider
variety of loans, averaging 2.1 dierent
borrowing opons, compared with 1.4 for
non-SDC consumers.
Though they borrow more frequently,
SDC consumers oen have less access to
tradional opons when choosing credit
products. In parcular, they are oen saddled
with a poor or damaged credit prole that
makes more tradional credit products
inaccessible. Of those SDC consumers claiming

43%
38%
20%
26%
40%
34%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
45%
$0k$25k $25k$50k $50k$75k
%ofSegmentPopula0on
AnnualHouseholdIncome
SDCConsumers
NonSDCConsumers

Study Results
11
they knew their credit score, 54% rated their
credit as either a 1 or a 2 on a scale of 1 to 5
(1 being “poor,” 5 being “excellent”).
17
Given
this tendency toward poor credit, it is not
surprising that only 27% of SDC consumers
reported having a credit card, compared with
61% of non-SDC consumers. Why those SDC
consumers with access to a credit card sll
used an SDC product is an important queson
explored later in this paper.
In total, our survey data indicates SDC
consumers face many challenges. Relave
to non-SDC consumers, they tend to be less
educated, with lower incomes and larger
families. These aributes can challenge
nancial stability and put pressure on their
nancial lives. While households who face
these condions nd themselves borrowing
more frequently than those who don’t, they
are less likely to have access to tradional
credit oerings.
SDC Consumers: How They
Decide
We also sought to explore how SDC
consumers decide to borrow and how they
go about choosing the most suitable product.
To learn more about the decision process, we
asked SDC consumers to recall the last me
they had used one of the ve SDC products
included in our survey. We then probed for
consideraons that had led to their choice.
In analyzing the responses, we recognized
a disnct segmentaon among the ve
products. Some are very short-term
products—payday, pawn, and direct deposit
advance loans—all of which are relavely
small (typically under $1,000) with repayment
scheduled within a period of two weeks to
two months in the form of a single payment.
Others are short-term products—installment
and auto tle loans
18
—which are frequently

*Respondents could select up to three opons. Addional informaon on the queson provided in the appendix.
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45%
Forhomerepairs
Topaybackanotherloan
Tohelpoutfriend/family
Carrelated(Purchaseorrepair)
Topayrent
Formygenerallivingexpenses(e.g.food,
clothing)
TopayuIlitybills
%ofSegmentPopula0on
ReasonsGivenforBorrowing
VeryShortTerm
ShortTerm
AllSDCConsumers

Study Results
12
much larger (at or above $1,000) and are
oen repaid in installments over longer
periods of me, from several months to
more than a year. Likely because of the
dierences between the two classes of loans,
SDC consumers view and use them in disnct
ways. Consequently, we use the very short-
term/short-term disncon as a basis for
organizing our ndings.
At the core of the decision process are the
circumstances that created the need for SDC
consumers to borrow. That is, what did they
need money for and why did they need to
borrow to get it? To answer the rst queson,
Chart 2: Use of SDC Loan Funds shows the
distribuon of uses for the borrowed funds.
Across all SDC borrowers, the main uses for
borrowed funds related to managing recurring
expenses such as ulity bills, rent, and food.
These borrowers used credit to meet day-to-
day household obligaons. However, dierent
paerns emerged when comparing reasons
for borrowing between very short-term and
short-term products. Users of very short-
term products were more likely to use them
for roune expenses. Approximately 42% of
users borrowed to pay ulity bills, and 41%
borrowed for general living expenses such
as food and clothing. By contrast, users of
short-term products were less likely to use
such loans for roune expenses (28% for
ulity bills, 20% for general living expenses)
but were signicantly more likely to borrow
to cover larger and less regular purchases or
expenses, such as the purchase or repair of a
car (26% for ST versus 11% for VST) and home
repairs (9% for ST versus 2% for VST).
To get to the root of the problem, we then
explored why SDC consumers needed to
borrow in the rst place. Why did they
lack necessary funds to manage household
expenses or meet larger, less frequent needs?
The answer oers insight into whether and
*Respondents could select up to three opons. Addional informaon on the queson provided in the appendix.

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40%
%ofSegmentPopula0on
VeryShortTerm
ShortTerm
AllSDCConsumers
Mygenerallivingexpensesareconsistently
morethanmyincome
Ihadanunexpecteddropinmyincome(e.g.,
lostjob,hourscut,benefitscut)
Ispentmostofmymoneythatmonthpaying
offapreviousloan
Iplannedtomakeamajorpurchasethat
exceededmymonthlyincomeorsavings(e.g.,car
ortruck,majorappliance)
Ihadanunexpectedexpense(e.g.,medical
emergency,carbrokedown)
Ihadabillorpaymentduebeforemy
paycheckarrived

Study Results
13
when credit can be a benecial opon. Chart
3: Reasons for Fund Shortage Precipitang
SDC Use summarizes responses to the
queson of why respondents needed to
borrow to meet their obligaons.
Perhaps most troubling was that nearly 30%
of all SDC consumers reported borrowing
because their expenses consistently
outweighed their income. Instead of using
credit to overcome a temporary shortage of
funds or support a large purchase, they seem
to be on an unsustainable path by aempng
to supplement their income with credit.
Without having the money in their budget to
repay the loan, these borrowers risk falling
into the cycle of debt, much like the 9% of
SDC consumers who reported borrowing
because they spent most of their money
repaying a previous loan.
A bill or payment due before a paycheck
arrived (32% of all SDC consumers) was
another common problem. In this case,
borrowers were more likely to turn to very
short-term credit than short-term (38% of
VST users versus 23% of ST users). These data
points paint the picture of households using
payday, pawn, and direct deposit advance
loans to manage bills within the context of
their ongoing nancial lives. Borrowers who
reported this problem may be using credit to
adjust for misaligned ming of their income
and expenses.
Two other reasons for a cash shortage related
to unexpected events— either an expense
(32% of all SDC consumers) or a drop in
income (25%). The change in their cash ow—
either temporary or permanent—le these
consumers short of the money they needed.
In these situaons, consumers appeared to
nd very short-term and short-term products
both useful.
As expected, short-term users were more
likely to borrow to support a major purchase
(16% of ST users versus 2% of VST), suggesng
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45% 50%
Alsousedanotherloanproduct
Workedmore/Earnedmoreincome
Deferredorskippedpayingbills
Wentwithoutcertainbasicneeds
Reducedgeneralspending
%ofSegmentPopula0on
Addi0onalStepsTakenToMeetNeed
VeryShortTerm
ShortTerm
AllSDCConsumers
*Respondents could select mulple opons. Addional informaon on the queson provided in the appendix.


Study Results
14
that the loans were used to cover a large but
infrequent expense.


While survey respondents ulmately chose to
borrow, they also recognized that they might
be able to handle their need for addional
money in some other way. Indeed, many
reported taking addional steps to manage
their situaons. Their acons are depicted in
Chart 4: Steps Taken in Addion to Borrowing.
In addion to borrowing, SDC consumers
commonly reconciled their cash ow by
cung back on their general spending (43%
of all SDC consumers) and going without
something they need (40%). Very short-term
users were signicantly more likely than short-
term users to defer or skip paying bills (31%
of VST users versus 21% of ST users), again
suggesng that very short-term products
are more oen used to manage monthly
expenses. A small segment—7% of all SDC
borrowers—reported using an addional
loan product to meet their need, suggesng
either a larger need for credit or an inability to
access a more suitable credit product.
The survey also revealed interesng insights
into the way SDC consumers viewed and
used savings in relaon to their decision to
borrow. Chart 5: Use of Savings in Addion
to Borrowing outlines respondents’ use of
savings to compensate for their shortage of
funds.
As might be expected, the majority of SDC
consumers (66%) had no savings to make
up for their shortage of funds. Of those
borrowers with savings, 45% used all of their
savings but found it was not enough to meet
their immediate need. Interesngly, the
remaining 55% (or 19% of all SDC consumers)
either used only part of their savings or
le their savings untouched. This raises the
queson of why they used expensive SDC
products when they had money available.
Were their savings earmarked for long-term
goals or subject to withdrawal restricons?
Did behavioral biases or the desire for
liquidity in case of an emergency inuence
their decision? Beer understanding how
borrowers view savings in relaon to credit
may reveal insights into how to eecvely
promote savings and reduce use of SDC
products.

Aer deciding to borrow, SDC consumers must
also decide which product and provider they
will use. To explore this decision, our survey
asked borrowers to rate the importance of
certain loan aributes to their decision, using
a scale of 1-5 (1 being “Not Very Important
and 5 being “Extremely Important”). Average
rangs for the top 10 aributes are listed in
Table 2: Rangs of Loan Aributes.
As a whole, SDC consumers most valued the
speed of delivery, accessibility, and clarity
of terms associated with the loan products
Hadnosavings,
66%
Hadsavings,but
chosenottouse
any,
7%
Usedsome,but
notallsavings,
12%
Usedallsavings,
buts:llshort,
16%


Study Results
15
they used. Between the two loan classes,
short-term users were more likely than very
short-term users to place more importance
on the length of the loan and the ability to
repay it in mulple payments. However,
speed and access were most important to
users of both classes of loans. Although fees
were important to borrowers (average rang
of 3.9 out of 5), they were lower on the list
of consideraons. The importance of speed
and access suggests a degree of urgency
in borrowing decisions—borrowers most
cared about their ability to get a loan and to
do so quickly. SDC products cater to these
preferences through fast delivery and low
hurdles for credit approval.
When choosing a loan product, 69% of SDC
consumers did not comparison shop among
dierent providers of the same product. Such
consumers may have done so for a number of
reasons. An urgent need for cash may have
led some to accept the rst loan they could
get. Consumers may have viewed providers
of a parcular product as having relavely
uniform pricing and terms, leaving lile
reason to shop around. Or some consumers
may have had an exisng relaonship with
a parcular provider and returned for a
subsequent loan. Further exploring why SDC
consumers tend not to comparison shop
may help to reveal ways that lenders with
high-quality alternaves can aract SDC
consumers.
In addion to invesgang why borrowers
chose a parcular SDC product, the survey
explored why they had not chosen other
tradional forms of credit that may have been
available. In parcular, some may have had
the opon of borrowing from friends and
family, overdrawing a checking account, or
using a credit card. The top three responses
given for not using each of these opons
appear in Table 3: Top Three Reasons for Not
Using Other Credit Opons.
SDC consumers rejected each of these
opons for dierent reasons. In line with
their negave percepons of their credit
scores, many SDC consumers reported having
diculty either accessing or managing credit

LoanAttributes
HowquicklyIcangetthemoney
Icanqualifyforthisloan
Clearterms/knowingexactlywhatI'llpay
AmountIcanborrow
Termorlengthofloan
Easytodo/fewforms
Abilitytopaybackovermultiplepayments
Fees
Feelcomfortable/staffisfriendly
Storelocationconvenient
AllSDCConsumers VeryShortTerm ShortTerm
4.4 4.4 4.4
4.4 4.4 4.5
4.3 4.3 4.4
4.2 4.2 4.3
4.1 4.0 4.2
4.0 4.0 4.0
3.9 3.7 4.3
3.9 3.8 4.1
3.9 3.9 3.9
3.8 3.8 3.8
AverageRating(Scaleof15)

Study Results
16
cards (32% responding “I don’t qualify” and
19% responding “I maxed out or can no longer
use the product”). Access was a lesser but
sll signicant barrier to using overdra,
though cost was the primary reason (given by
a quarter of SDC consumers) for not using it.
Borrowing from friends and family appeared
to be the most aracve of the three opons,
with 21% of SDC consumers saying they did so
in addion to using an SDC product. However,
issues of accessibility (“not oered near me”)
and convenience led many to refrain from
such borrowing.
Overall, the survey shows the complexity of
deciding to use an SDC product. A shortage
of income, a problem with cash ow, or
an unexpected shock can drive someone
to borrow money. At the same me, SDC
consumers do not rely solely on loans but
oen cut back on spending, tap into savings,
or go without something they need in order to
free up the money they need. Credit opons
that oer speed and accessibility are most
important to them, but making loan decisions
while under nancial and me pressure could
lead borrowers toward loans they might nd
dicult to repay.
SDC Consumers: How They Fare
Next, we evaluated the outcomes of
borrowing decisions to determine the
degree to which SDC products can cause
more harm than good. A central concern
about SDC products is the risk that they can
lead consumers into a cycle of debt. When
consumers have trouble repaying, they
may incur extensive fees from repeatedly
extending or rolling over outstanding loans.
Instead of helping them to overcome nancial
challenges, SDC loans can cause addional
nancial dicules for consumers who are
given loans they cannot aord.

We invesgated loan experiences to gauge
why and how oen consumers manage loans
successfully or struggle with repayment.
Though this data was self-reported and
responses were open to consumers’
interpretaon, we believe it helps to draw a
clearer picture of the SDC loan experience.
Chart 6: Very Short-Term Loan Experience
includes key ndings regarding a single loan
experience for consumers of each of the very
short-term products studied.
While a slight majority of pawn and payday
borrowers repaid their loans on me, many
appeared to have had diculty in doing so,
with nearly 40% reporng that they did not
pay back their original loan when it came
due. Approximately 85% of such borrowers
rolled over or extended their loan, incurring

CreditCard Overdraft LoansfromFriendsandFamily
Idon'tqualify(32%) Tooexpensive(25%) IdidinadditiontoSDC(21%)
Imaxedoutorcannolongerusethis
product(19%)
Tooinconvenient(17%) Tooinconvenient(20%)
Tooexpensive(16%) Idon'tqualify(15%) Notofferednearme(17%)
*Respondents could select mulple opons. For addional informaon on the queson, see the appendix.

Study Results
17
Yes 61.76% Yes 55.22%
No 38.24% No 44.67% Yes 85.20%
No
14.80%
Whatdidyoudo? Whatdidyoudo? Whydidyouhaveinsufficientfundsforrepayment?
Rolledoverorextendedtheloan 86% Extendedorrenewedtheloan 85%
Afterpayinglivingexpenses,Ididn’t
Didnotpayofftheloan(default) 14% Didnotpayofftheloan(default) 15%
haveenoughmoneyleftover
Myincomewaslessthananticipated 36%
Ihadmoneybutusedittocoveran
unexpectedexpenseoremergency
Whydidyouneedtorolloverorextendtheloan? Whydidyouneedtorolloverorextendtheloan?
Afterpayinglivingexpenses,Ididn'thaveenough
Afterpayinglivingexpenses,Ididn'thave
enoughmoneyleftover enoughmoneyleftover
Myincomewaslessthananticipated 40% Myincomewaslessthananticipated 24%
Didyouusetheproductagain?
Ihadanunexpectedexpenseor Ihadanunexpectedexpenseor
Yes 35%
emergency emergency
No 65%
Anotherreason 2% Anotherreason 8%
Howmanytimesdidyourollovertheloan? Howmanytimesdidyouextendtheloan?
12times 43%
12times
65%
35times 30% 35times 11%
6+times 26% 6+times 11%
NoAnswer 1% NoAnswer 12%
Average#ofrollovers 5.1 Average#ofextensions 2.4
Didyouusetheproductagain?
(2)
Didyouusetheproductagain?
(3)
Yes 25% Yes 19%
No 75% No 81%
Didyouhavetorelinquishyourpawneditem?
Yes 75%
No 25%
Inthefollowingmonth:
12%
60%
Ifyourolledovertheloan:
Ifyouextendedtheloan:
60%
16%
(n=100)
(n=286)
(n=97)
(n=229)
(n=22)
(n=305)
(n=117)
(n=255)
(n=114)
(n=130)
(n=19)
(n=130)
Inthefollowingmonth:
Ifyoudefaulted:
(4)
PAYDAYLOANS
PAWNLOANS
DIRECTDEPOSITADVANCE
Didyoupaythefirstloanoffontime?
(1)
Didyoupaythefirstloanoffontime?
(1)
41%
28%
Inthefollowingmonth:
IfyouDIDNOTpayoffthefirstloanontime:
Didyoupaythefirstloanwithoutoverdrawingyour
checkingaccount?
(1)
Ifyouoverdrewyouraccount:
IfyouDIDNOTpayoffthefirstloanontime:
Yes,62%
No,38%
Yes,55%
No,45%
Yes,85%
No,15%

1) Excludes respondents whose inial loans were sll outstanding and respondents who did not answer the queson
2) Excludes respondents with outstanding loans (either an inial loan or a rollover)
3) Excludes respondents with outstanding loans (either an inial loan or an extension)
4) Includes respondents who defaulted on the inial or extended loan

Study Results
18
an addional fee to push back its due date.
The most common reason, reported by 60%
of borrowers, was not having enough money
for both loan repayment and living expenses.
While most extended their loans only once
or twice, a sizable number of borrowers
did so many more mes before repaying or
ulmately defaulng on the loan.
19
When looking across the enre year, the
total number of loans or extensions and
amount of me spent in debt is parcularly
disturbing. Based on analysis of our survey
data, we esmate payday borrowers took out
an average of 11 payday loans or extensions,
remaining in debt for approximately 150 days
out of the year. Pawn loan borrowers took
out an average of 7 pawn loans, remaining in
debt for approximately 200 days out of the
year.
20
Examining repayment paerns for the direct
deposit advance product is complicated
because of its automated repayment
mechanism. Direct deposit advance lenders
recoup their loan from consumers’ checking
accounts when direct deposit funds come
in. Should direct deposits stop, the lender
automacally debits the account aer a
predetermined period (typically 35 days aer
the loan is issued). Given that repayments are
triggered automacally, borrowers generally
cannot extend loans past their due dates as
they can with payday and pawn products.
However, 35% of direct deposit advance
borrowers reported using the product again
in the month aer their original loan. Such
repeat use may indicate that consumers are
borrowing to cover basic living expenses
aer automated repayments claim needed
funds, eecvely creang a cycle of debt.
Addionally, the forced repayments may
cause problems for consumers who do not
have sucient funds in their accounts to
cover them. In our survey, 14% of direct
deposit advance users reported having
their account overdrawn by the automated
repayment mechanism. Like payday and pawn
users, these borrowers most commonly cited
not having money for both loan repayments
and living expenses as the reason their funds
were insucient when the lender tapped
their account. Again, this may suggest that
borrowers could not aord their original
loans. Direct deposit advance products limit
borrowers’ credit lines based on the size
of their average direct deposit—a form of
income-based underwring. But further
adjusng and rening these measures
could potenally help to reduce overdrawn
accounts or overuse of the product by
consumers who truly cannot aord it.


Although the average gures for repeat
usage are distressingly high, there was strong
variance among individual consumers. To
beer understand why some consumers
slid quickly into the debt cycle while others
did not, we conducted regression analysis
to nd the factors that were most closely
correlated with a consumers propensity to
roll over or extend their loan. This analysis
found that, for payday loans, the rao of
loan size to income is a signicant predictor
of how many mes a borrower rolls over the
loan, net of other sociodemographic and
nancial characteriscs. That is, borrowers
who took on higher levels of debt relave
to their income are more likely to struggle
in repayment. An addional factor strongly
correlated with rollover or loan extension was
the reason for funds shortage reported by
the consumer. In parcular, when consumers
stated that their need for credit came from

Study Results
19
Yes 76.38% Yes 70.64%
No 23.62% No 29.36%
Whatdidyoudo? Whatdidyoudo?
Refinancedorchanged/extendedtheterm 86% Refinancedorchanged/extendedtheterm 82%
Didnotpayofftheloan(default) 14% Didnotpayofftheloan(default) 18%
Whydidyourefinance? Whydidyourefinance?
Toborrowmoremoney
42%

Afterpayinglivingexpenses,Ididn't
Afterpayinglivingexpenses,Ididn't
haveenoughmoneyleftover
haveenoughmoneyleftover
Ihadmoneybutusedittocoveran
Ihadmoneybutusedittocoveran
unexpectedexpenseoremergency
unexpectedexpenseoremergency
Toborrowmoremoney 27%
Myincomewaslessthananticipated 16% Myincomewaslessthananticipated 24%
Tolowerthesizeofmypayments 10% Tolowerthesizeofmypayments 6%
Anotherreason 9% Anotherreason 1%
Howmanytimesdidyourefinancetheloan? Howmanytimesdidyourefinancetheloan?
12times 52% 12times 57%
35times 33% 35times 17%
6+times 12% 6+times 6%
NoAnswer 3% NoAnswer/Couldnotrecall 20%
Average#ofrefinances 2.9 Average#ofrefinances 3.0
Didyoumakeanylatepayments? Didyoumakeanylatepayments?
Yes 10% Yes 28%
No 88% No 71%
Refused 2% Refused 1%
Didyouhavetorelinquishyourcar?
Yes 72%
No 28%
(n=11)
Ifyoudefaulted:
(2)
25%
30%
Duringtheloanterm: Duringtheloanterm:
(n=189)
(n=189)
IfyouDIDNOTrepaybytheoriginalterm: IfyouDIDNOTrepaybytheoriginalterm:
Ifyourefinancedtheloan: Ifyourefinancedtheloan:
31%
32%
(n=26)
(n=22)
(n=41)
(n=34)
INSTALLMENTLOANS AUTOTITLELOANS
Didyourepaytheloanbytheendoftheoriginal
term?
(1)
Didyourepaytheloanbytheendoftheoriginal
term?
(1)
(n=110)
(n=140)
Yes,76%
No,24%
Yes,71%
No,29%

1) Excludes respondents whose inial loans were sll outstanding and respondents who did not answer the queson
2) Includes respondents who defaulted on the inial or extended loan

Study Results
20
a consistent shorall of income relave
to expenses, essenally those in the most
challenging nancial situaons, they were
more likely to roll over or extend their loan.
This was true of consumers of all very short-
term products —as well as auto tle loans—
net of other sociodemographic and nancial
characteriscs (for addional informaon on
the regression analysis, see appendix.)

With larger sizes and typically longer terms,
users of short-term products had dierent
loan experiences than users of their very
short-term counterparts. Chart 7: Short-Term
Loan Experience provides a prole of surveyed
borrowers’ experiences with installment and
auto tle loans.
Likely because of their relavely longer
term and, in some cases, installment loan
structures, users of short-term products
struggled less with repeat loan use. However,
a signicant poron of borrowers—24% of
installment loan users and 29% of auto tle
loan users with completed loans—did fail to
repay their loan on its original terms. Instead,
many renanced their loans, extending their
term and likely increasing their interest
payments or borrowing fees. Approximately
30% of both sets of users cited insucient
funds to make repayment and meet living
expenses as the reason they had changed
the terms of their loans. However, the top
reason given for renancing installment loans
was to borrow more money, indicang that
some borrowers may have eecvely used
the product as a line of credit. Though the
majority of borrowers who renanced their
loans did so only once or twice, employing
such extensions could potenally prolong the
burden of debt.
SDC Consumers: What They
Think
These borrowing experiences inuenced
and shaped SDC borrowers’ percepons and
atudes toward the products they used.
Our survey probed into respondents’ overall
impressions of their loan experience to gauge
how sased they were, the degree to which
the loan terms aligned with expectaons, and
their likelihood of using the product again. It
should be noted that customer sasfacon
results, in parcular, are heavily dependent
upon expectaons. Thus high sasfacon
rates do not necessarily connote a high quality
product, but rather that the experience
met the consumers expectaons for the
product. Results are summarized in Chart 8:
Sasfacon, Expectaons, and the Likelihood
to Use a Loan Product Again.
Payday borrowers appeared to have relavely
poor loan experiences. Compared to the
overall group of SDC consumers, they were
less sased; along with auto tle borrowers,
they were also more likely to claim higher
than expected costs. Perhaps as a result,
payday borrowers were more prone to say
they would not use the product again (22%).
Direct deposit advance products appeared to
register best. Compared to the overall group
of SDC products, actual costs for the product
were less likely to exceed expectaons, with
only 15% of borrowers saying they paid more
than they thought they would. A majority of
borrowers reported that they would use the
product again without hesitaon, compared
to only 5% of borrowers who said they would
not use it in the future.
In each product type, a sizable number of
borrowers demonstrated diculty in repaying
their loans and considered the products

Study Results
21
unfair. For them, SDC products may have
caused problems instead of solved them, as
borrowers struggled to manage loans they
may not have been able to aord in the rst
place. However, many borrowers were able
to pay o their loan on me and reported a
sasfactory experience. To an extent, these
borrowers appear to have managed their
credit need by using an SDC product.
VeryShortTerm
ShortTerm
Expectations

%reportingcostofloanwasmorethanexpected 40% 19% 15% 26% 43%
%reportingcostofloanwaslessthanexpected 10% 14% 18% 6% 17%

%reportingittookmoretimethanexpectedtorepaytheloan 32% 29% 20% 17% 32%
%reportingittooklesstimethanexpectedtorepaytheloan 13% 15% 16% 17% 19%
LikelihoodtoUseLoanProductAgain
Wouldyouusetheproductagain?
Yes,withouthesitation 33% 44% 53% 45% 22%
Maybe,ifIhavenobetteroptions 44% 44% 41% 39% 55%
No 22% 10% 5% 14% 22%
AutoTitle
Loan
Installment
Loans
Direct
Deposit
Advance
PawnLoanPaydayLoan
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Payday Pawn DirectDepositAdvance InstallmentLoan AutoTitleLoan
%ofborrowersgivingraCng
ProductType
Overall,HowSaCsfiedWereYouWithThisLoan?

5
4
3
2
1

 22
This research paints a detailed portrait of
the considerable challenges faced by the
esmated 15 million SDC consumers in the
United States. While our data largely conrms
exisng knowledge about their demographics
and nancial situaons, the ndings on their
choices and experiences suggest several new
implicaons for increasing access to high-
quality credit that are worth consideraon
by industry, policymakers, and consumer
advocates.
The rst implicaon of our research emerges
from our nding that SDC consumers use
a variety of SDC products and use dierent
product types to meet dierent credit
needs. This data suggests that consumers
would benet from a mulplicity of high-
quality credit products that can meet varying
nancial circumstances. Dierent challenges
call for products with shorter and longer
terms, lump sum and installment payment
structures, secured and unsecured terms,
and addional products or tools that create
broader customer relaonships.
In looking more closely at credit need, we
see that some consumers use SDC products
to ll consistent gaps between expenses
and income; some use them to meet cash
ow problems where bills and paychecks are
misaligned; and others use credit in response
to an unexpected event, such as a job loss or
car repair. These reasons for borrowing may
aect dierent consumers at dierent mes
and may call for very dierent soluons. For
example, installment loans may be best suited
for one-me emergencies that can be paid
o over me. Low-cost credit lines or credit
products ed to a savings vehicle may enable
those with cash ow problems to cover the
oat aordably and build a cushion for the
future. For those consumers who use credit
to address consistent budgetary inequity or
mismanagement, high-quality credit may
solve a temporary problem, but over the
long-term, soluons that do not involve credit
at all—such as income supports or tools to
facilitate budgeng or savings—might oer
more benets than a loan the borrower
cannot aord. In short, there is no single
soluon to help consumers manage cash
shortages.
The second major implicaon emerges from
the nding that access and speed were the
most salient features for consumers when
choosing SDC products. This suggests that
products with lower fees or interest rates but
longer approval periods may not adequately
meet the needs of some SDC consumers. In
order to meet consumer needs safely, high-
quality credit soluons will need to balance
aordability and sound underwring with
speed, convenience, and accessibility.
Our nding that certain consumers – those
with a high loan-to-income rao or who
report having expenses that consistently
exceed their income – are more likely to roll
over or extend a loan has major implicaons
for how providers make credit decisions.
These connecons demonstrate the need
for strong underwring before oering a
loan to determine consumers’ ability to
repay and to more deeply understand the
circumstances that lead consumers to seek
credit. Further exploring this relaonship
may help in developing best pracces for SDC
underwring that can diminish the risk that
borrowers receive loans they cannot aord.
Finally, we remain parcularly disturbed by
the high number of consumers who end up
rolling over or extending their loans mulple
mes and who report that, in the end, their
loan cost more and took longer to repay than
expected. This nding, well documented by
Conclusion

Conclusion
23
previous studies, indicates that many SDC
products seem to be structured in such a
way that encourages rather than prevents
repeat and extended usage. Strong consumer
protecons and innovave, high-quality
credit products that align consumer and
provider success will both be necessary to
beer address the struggles and needs of SDC
consumers.
To understand more deeply how and why
consumers rely on SDC products, CFSI plans
to produce addional analyses of this surveys
results in the months ahead. We also plan to
follow this parcular survey with a qualitave
examinaon of consumers who use some of
the newer SDC products available. We hope
that study will provide an opportunity to hear
the individual voices of SDC consumers, to
more deeply understand their situaons and
choices, and to examine new SDC product
features that may improve outcomes for
consumers. In addion, there is a clear need
for industry analysis of SDC transacons to
understand the full size and scope of SDC use
and for controlled studies of parcular SDC
product features to beer understand their
impact on consumer outcomes.
We hope that the prole of SDC consumers
revealed here can serve as a valuable
tool for advancing the credit dialogue
and for remaking the small-dollar credit
marketplace. Consumers need and deserve
access to a variety of safe, aordable, high-
quality loan products that can help them
manage their nancial lives without causing
addional challenges or harm. In the best of
circumstances, these products should help
consumers turn a moment of crisis into an
opportunity to improve their nancial well-
being. Keeping the needs, perspecves, and
experiences of borrowers at the forefront of
the dialogue on small-dollar credit is crical to
moving the marketplace in a direcon where
such high-quality products go from aspiraon
to reality.
 24
Endnotes
1 Center for Financial Services Innovaon, “CFSI Underbanked Consumer Study,” 2008.
2 CFSI gratefully acknowledges the involvement of mulple research experts in developing,
analyzing, and reviewing this research, including: Rourke O’Brien, Researcher, Princeton
University; Dr. Kim Manturuk, Senior Research Associate in Financial Services, University of North
Carolina; and Patricia J. Cirillo, PhD, President, Cypress Research Group
3 CFSI’s typical focus is the more than 60 million unbanked and underbanked Americans whose
nancial services needs are not fully met by tradional nancial instuons. While the unbanked
and underbanked are well represented in our survey populaon, we wanted to conduct a
broader invesgaon of Americans using SDC products. The $75,000 income cap reects our
desire to focus on households with incomes below or near the naonal median.
4 These descripons are intended to provide a general sense of typical product terms and
funconality. Actual product characteriscs may vary.
5 Also referred to as “bank payday loans.
6 Model terms for direct deposit advance products come from the websites of large-scale
providers of the product (Wells Fargo, US Bank, Regions, Guaranty Bank, Fih Third).
7 Model terms for installment loans come from the 2011 Form 10-K for World Acceptance
Corporaon, a large public lender, and other informaon provided by industry representaves.
8 Model terms for auto tle loans come from Jim Hawkins, “Credit on Wheels: The Law and
Business of Auto Title Lending,” Washington and Lee Law Review (September 2011).
9 Our study found that there are 13.45 million SDC consumers with household incomes below
$75,000 by applying the SDC incidence rate from our survey of 9.5% to the 141 million adults in
the United States with household incomes below $75,000.
10 To arrive at our esmate of 15 million total SDC consumers across the enre income
spectrum, we accounted for those with household incomes above $75,000 by using alternave
credit usage data from the 2009 FDIC Underbanked Household Study. In that study, 13% of AFS
credit users had household incomes above $75,000.
11 See Bureau of Labor Stascs gures at hp://www.bls.gov/emp/ep_chart_001.htm.
12 FDIC, “Naonal Survey of Unbanked and Underbanked Households,” (December 2009).
13 The income disparity pertains only to households with under $75,000 in annual income,
which were the focus of our survey. The income constraint was used to focus on the borrowing
experiences of LMI households.

Endnotes
25
14 The median income for a U.S. household is $50,000, according to 2010 census esmates. See
hp://www.census.gov/hhes/www/income/data/incpovhlth/2010/statemhi2_10.xls.
15 FDIC, ”Naonal Survey of Unbanked and Underbanked Households”.
16 Number of loans includes both SDC products and non-SDC borrowing opons. The queson
of how many loans respondents received was complicated by their use of credit cards,
which may be used frequently for payments (i.e., balances paid down each month) but only
periodically as a borrowing tool (i.e., balances extended and paid down over several months).
Our survey aempted to negoate the dierence by asking consumers, when reporng how
many loans they’ve used, not to consider every me they used a credit card but only when they
used it intending not to pay down the balance.
17 Approximately 75% of consumers reported knowing their credit score.
18 While we realize that tradional auto tle loans could be considered a very short-term
product (smaller size, 30-60 day term), we ulmately elected to categorize them as short-term
products for several reasons. A number of industry reports have noted a shi toward higher
minimum loan sizes or longer maturies in auto tle loans as state regulaons were put into
place for smaller, shorter-term versions of the product. (Hawkins, “Credit on Wheels”; Leah A.
Plunke, Emily Caplan, and Nathanael Player, “Small-dollar Loan Products Scorecard Updated,
Naonal Consumer Law Center (May 2010)). Addionally, a number of auto tle loan providers
publicly adverse oering installment repayment, terms of over a year and/or open line-of credit
structures. These companies include 1-800-Loan Mart, FidelityOne, TitleMax, RPM Lenders and
HelpingLoans.com (approximately 53% of our survey respondents reported borrowing from one
of these ve lenders). Finally, approximately 65% of auto tle loan customers surveyed reported
having longer than six months to repay their loan. Given that only 4% of customers reported
renancing or changing the terms of their loan more than twice, we believe that the longer me
to repay primarily indicated a longer original term.
19 We aempted to determine the rollover/extension propensity of payday borrowers by
asking, “What did you do when the loan rst came due? That is, what happened at the end of
the original term of your payday loan?” and counng those who chose “I rolled over, renewed
or extended the loan” from a list of opons. To do the same for pawn borrowers, we asked,
“Did you pay o loan at the inial due date” and counted those who chose “No, I extended or
renewed the loan.” Given the structure of the queson, consumers who repaid loans on me
but took out another loan within their next pay period were likely not included in the “rollover/
extension” category.
20 Total annual loan usage for both payday and pawn loans was calculated by combining the
survey results for the average number of individual loan experiences (inclusive of rollovers/
extensions) per year by the average number of individual loans and rollovers/extensions per loan
experience.
 26
Appendix
Additional Information on GfK KnowledgePanel
®
KnowledgePanel® members are recruited using a stascally valid sampling method with
a published sample frame of residenal addresses that covers approximately 97% of U.S.
households.
KnowledgePanel® uses an address-based sampling frame. The address-based sample (ABS)
involves probability-based sampling of addresses from the U.S. Postal Service’s Delivery
Sequence File, which covers approximately 97% of the physical addresses in all 50 states.
Randomly sampled addresses are invited to join KnowledgePanel® through a series of mailings
(in English and Spanish) and by telephone follow-up to non-responders when a telephone
number can be matched to the sampled address. Invited households can join the panel by one
of several means: compleng and mailing back an acceptance form in a postage-paid envelope;
calling a toll-free hotline staed by bilingual recruitment agents; or going to a dedicated
KnowledgePanel recruitment website and compleng the recruitment informaon online.
Sampled non-Internet households, when recruited, are given a netbook computer and free
Internet service so they may also parcipate as online panel members.
For each study, samples are drawn from among acve panel members using a probability
proporonal to size (PPS) weighted sampling approach. Customized straed random sampling
based on prole data is also conducted, as required by specic studies. In September 2007,
GfK was assigned a patent (U.S. Patent No. 7,269,570) for its unique methodology for selecng
mulple online survey samples from a panel. The selecon methodology, which GfK has used
since 2000, assures that mulple sequenal KnowledgePanel® samples from a nite panel
membership will each reliably represent the U.S. populaon. For addional informaon, visit
hp://www.knowledgenetworks.com/knpanel/
Full Denition of “Non-SDC Consumer”
“Non-SDC Consumers” are those that had not used any of the ve SDC products (payday loans,
pawn loans, direct deposit advance, installment loans, auto tle loans) in the past 12 months,
but did use one of the following borrowing opons during the same period:
• Loans from friends or family
• Personal loan from a bank or credit union
• Overdra on a checking account, used intenonally as a loan
• Bouncing a check, used intenonally as a loan
• Credit card, when used with the intent of NOT paying o the balance at the end of the month
• Cash advance on a credit card
• Line of credit (non-credit card)
• Loan from my employer

Appendix
27
Additional Information on Select Survey Questions


[Respondents could choose up to three opons. Order of presentaon randomized for each
respondent.]
• To pay medical bills
• To pay rent
• For furniture, appliances, etc.
• To purchase a car
• To x a car
• For educaon
• For home repairs
• To help out friend/family
• To pay back money I owed to friends/family
• To pay back another loan
• For a vacaon/to travel
• For gi shopping for the holidays
• For business expenses
• To pay ulity bills (e.g., electric, water, telephone)
• To pay child support/alimony
• To pay nes/taxes/liens
• For my general living expenses (e.g., food, clothing)
• Another reason (please specify)


[Respondents could choose up to three opons. Order of presentaon randomized for each
respondent.]
• I had an unexpected expense (e.g., medical emergency, car broke down)
• I had an unexpected drop in my income (e.g., lost job, hours cut, benets cut)
• I had a bill or payment due before my paycheck arrived
• I spent most of my money that month paying o a previous loan
• My general living expenses are consistently more than my income
• I planned to make a major purchase that exceeded my monthly income or savings (e.g., car or
truck, major appliance)
• Another reason (please specify)

Appendix
28


[Respondents could choose mulple opons. Order of presentaon randomized for each
respondent.]
• Also used another loan product
• Worked more hours/Earned more income
• Deferred or skip paying bills
• Went without certain basic needs
• Reduced general spending
• Another opon (please specify)
• None of the above


[Asked for mulple non-SDC loan opons, including: “Overdra on a checking account, used
intenonally as a loan”; “Credit card with the intent of NOT paying it o at the end of the
month”; “Loan from friends or family.”]
• Too expensive
• Too inconvenient
• Too slow
• I don’t qualify
• Loan not suited to my parcular need
• I don’t trust this lender
• I maxed out or can no longer use this product
• Not available
• Never heard of it
• I did use this loan in addion to [insert assigned loan type]
• Other (please specify)

Appendix
29
Additional Information on Regression Analysis of Factors
Contributing to Rollover or Loan Extension
The following regression analyses were conducted to test for associaons between key
variables and repeat loan usage, controlling for other factors. All ndings are net of other
sociodemographic and nancial characteriscs available in the survey data. All relaonships
should be interpreted as non-causal associaons, parcularly since survey data was collected at
a single point in me. For example, reported nancial behaviors may predict payday rollover and
vice versa.
Full regression tables are available upon request.

Regression analyses suggest that the size of the loan relave to the household income is an
important predictor of how many mes a borrower “rolls over” the payday loan; the greater the
loan-to-income rao, the greater the number of rollovers. This nding is signicant at the p<.05
level.

Payday loan users who report that they needed to borrow because their expenses rounely
exceed their income are signicantly more likely to “roll over” their loan (and roll over more
mes) than other payday borrowers. This relaonship is stascally signicant at the p<.05 level.
Loan-to-income rao remains a signicant predictor of rollover in this situaon as well.

Pawn loan users who report that they needed to borrow because their expenses rounely
exceed their income are signicantly more likely to extend the term of their loan than other
pawn borrowers. Specically, those who report their expenses rounely exceed income have
273% higher odds of extending the term of their pawn loan relave to other borrowers. This
relaonship is stascally signicant at the p<.05 level.

Auto tle loan users who report that they needed to borrow because their expenses rounely
exceed their income are signicantly more likely to renance their loan than other auto tle
borrowers. Specically, those who report their expenses rounely exceed income have 864%
higher odds of renancing their loan relave to other borrowers. This relaonship is stascally
signicant at the p<.01 level.

Appendix
30

Deposit advance users who report that they needed to borrow because their expenses rounely
exceed their income appear to be more likely to take out another deposit advance in the
following month than other deposit advance borrowers. It is important to note, however, that
this relaonship is only marginally signicant at the p<.10 level.
About CFSI:
The Center for Financial Services Innovaon (CFSI) is the naon’s leading authority on nancial services
for underserved consumers. Through insights gained by producing original research; promong cross
sector collaboraon; advising organizaons and companies by oering specialized consulng services;
shaping public policy; and invesng in nonprot organizaons and start-ups, CFSI delivers a deeply
interconnected suite of services beneng underserved consumers. Since 2004, CFSI has worked with
leaders and innovators in the business, government and nonprot sectors to transform the nancial
services landscape. For more on CFSI, go to .
This paper has been generously sponsored by:
The opinions expressed in this research report are those of CFSI only
and do not necessarily represent those of the Ford Foundaon.
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