190 Housing Tenure and Financial Security
Interrante and Schmiedl
lending industry continued to deliver inferior loans in LMI and minority communities. The
subprime lenders that spent the most money advertising in LMI communities tended to have
higher interest rates than other lenders (Gurun, Matvos, and Seru, 2016). Unsurprisingly, an
analysis of lending in seven metropolitan areas found African-American and Hispanic borrowers to
be 105 and 78 percent more likely to receive high cost mortgages, respectively (Bayer, Ferreira, and
Ross, 2017). Lenders also extracted higher closing costs, resulting in African-American borrowers
spending about $700 more on closing costs than White borrowers (Woodward and Hall, 2010).
When the crisis arrived, the deepest distress fell on LMI and minority homeowners. Even in
the years prior to the crisis, African-American households were 68.2 percent more likely than
their White counterparts to transition back to renting at the conclusion of their homeownership
experience (Sharp and Hall, 2014). The crisis magnified that effect. Foreclosure rates for African-
American borrowers spiked to levels over three times that of White borrowers, while Hispanic
homeowners saw foreclosure rates over four times greater than White households (Garriga,
Ricketts, and Schlagenhauf, 2017).
Because credit had been so easily available in the two decades leading up to the crisis, FHA
volumes were low. That changed rapidly, however, when the subprime mortgage crisis arrived in
2008 (Bhutta, Laufer, and Ringo, 2017). The collapse of the Mortgage Backed Securities (MBS)
market meant that lenders looking to sell their originated loans on the secondary market became
more dependent on selling loans to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. To do so, any loan with less
than a 20-percent downpayment would need PMI. PMI companies, however, were raising their
own underwriting standards. These insurers raised their minimum credit score requirements and
lowered their maximum LTV limits, particularly in distressed areas (Avery et al., 2010). As the
alternative products became less attractive, the share of FHA mortgages as a percentage of all first
lien originations for owner-occupied home purchases increased from 5.7 percent in 2006 to 40.8
percent in 2009. As of 2016, 24.4 percent of all first lien originations for owner-occupied home
purchases are FHA loans (Bhutta, Laufer, and Ringo, 2017).
Today, the worst subprime abuses of the crisis are over. Recent research on the mortgage market in
Massachusetts suggests, however, that class and racial disparities may continue to impact the FHA
loan market. FHA loans are most heavily marketed by non-depositories; licensed mortgage lenders
are responsible for 77 percent of FHA loans originated in the state (Campen, 2018). In addition,
African-American and Latino borrowers statewide are much more likely to receive FHA-insured
loans than White borrowers; FHA-insured loans accounted for 35 percent of loans to African-
American households in the greater Boston area, but only 7 percent of loans to White households.
Meanwhile, only 2.4 percent of non-FHA home purchase loans were made to African-American
borrowers. FHA lending accounts for 29 percent of LMI home purchase lending in the state,
compared with about 4 percent for the MHP ONE Mortgage (Campen, 2018).
Affordable Loan Options in Massachusetts and Their Features
This analysis centers around three loan products: the SoftSecond Program; its successor, the ONE
Mortgage Program; and FHA-insured 30-year fixed rate loans. The term sheet comparison in
exhibit 1 summarizes the three programs.